This is my report to the CPUSA National Committee Meeting in June.
You will note we are not sharing certain discussion papers with the general public. These are the proposals to reconfigure our work.
I am not going into specifics about membership figures or how many clubs we have at present. I will not go into any specifics about what any clubs are doing. Getting specific enables others who are not our friends to insist on accountability. We don't want to get bogged down over accountability. This way we claim credit for any progress while we deny any ownership if things go awry. This is the smart way to operate.
Sam Webb
National Chair, CPUSA
I make no attempt to be comprehensive in these remarks. My aim is much more modest, as you will see.
Let me begin with a simple observation: If the last 30 years were an era of reaction, then the coming decade could turn into an era of reform, even radical reform. Six months into the Obama presidency, I would say without hesitation that the landscape, atmosphere, conversation, and agenda have strikingly changed compared to the previous eight years.
In this legislative session, we can envision winning a Medicare-like public option and then going further in the years ahead.
We can visualize passing tough regulatory reforms on the financial industry, which brought the economy to ruin.
We can imagine the troops coming home from Iraq and Afghanistan while U.S. representatives participate in a regional process that brings peace and stability to the entire region.
In the current political climate, the expansion of union rights becomes a real possibility.
Much the same can be said about winning a second stimulus bill, and we sure need one, given the still-rising rate, and likely long term persistence, of unemployment.
Isn’t it possible in the Obama era to create millions of green jobs in manufacturing and other sectors of the economy in tandem with an attack on global warming?
Can’t we envision taking new strides in the long journey for racial and gender equality in this new era, marked at its beginning by the election of the first African American to the presidency?
And isn’t the overhaul of the criminal justice and prison system – a system steeped in racism – no longer pie-in-the sky, but something that can be done in the foreseeable future?
All these things are within reach now!
I make this observation because in the ebb and flow of the first six months of the Obama presidency, it is easy to lose sight of the overall dynamics and promise of this new era.
Obama’s role
The new conditions of struggle are possible only – and I want to emphasize only – because we elected President Obama and a Congress with pronounced progressive and center currents.
So far Obama’s presidency has both broken from the right-wing extremist policies of the Bush administration and taken steps domestically and internationally that go in a progressive direction.
At the same time, the administration hasn’t gone as far as we would have liked on a number of issues. On economic matters as well as matters of war and occupation we, along with others, advocated bolder actions.
All and all, however, the new President in deeds and words – and words do matter – has created new democratic space for peace, equality, and economic justice struggles. Whether this continues and takes on a consistently progressive, pro-people, radical reform direction depends in large measure on whether the movement that elected him fills and expands this space.
The struggle going forward, much like the New Deal, will be the outcome of a contested and fluid process involving broad class and social constituencies, taking multiple forms, and working out over time.
It will pivot on the expansion of social and economic rights, the reconfiguring of the functions of government to the advantage of working people, and the embedding of a new economic architecture and developmental path into the nation’s political economy.
No less importantly, it will also entail the recasting of the role of the U.S. in the global community along egalitarian and non-imperial lines.
“What’s all this talk about reform?” you may be asking. “Aren’t we radicals? Isn’t socialism our objective?”
Yes, socialism is our objective and, according to recent public opinion polls, it is increasingly attractive to the American people. But clearly it is not on the immediate political agenda. Neither the current balance of forces nor the thinking of millions of Americans – the starting point in any serious discussion of strategy and tactics – has reached that point.
That socialism isn’t on the people’s action agenda, however, doesn’t mean that we should zip our lips. Quite the contrary! We should talk it up and bring our modern, deeply democratic Twenty-First-Century vision of U.S. socialism into coalitions and mass movements. And with the use of the Internet we can reach an exponentially bigger audience than we could in the past.
As for our radicalism, we should be as radical as reality itself. And reality strongly suggests that our main task is to bring the weight of the working class and other democratic forces to bear on the reform process with the aim of deepening its anti-corporate content and direction.
Current phase of struggle
How do we understand the current phase of struggle? On the one hand, our strategic policy of defeating right wing extremism doesn’t quite fit the new correlation of class forces. On the other hand, neither have we arrived at the anti-monopoly stage of struggle – a stage in which corporate class power is confronted on every level of struggle.
In short, we are in transitional phase that contains elements of both.
In the course of this struggle, political conditions – consciousness, organization, unity, and alliances, including temporary and conditional alliances – will hopefully mature to the point where corporate power emerges as the main hindrance to radical democracy and socialism in the minds of tens of millions.
We can conjure up pure forms of struggle and direct and unencumbered paths to socialism in our impatient minds, but they don’t exist in real life. The struggle for a socialist future is complex, contradictory, roundabout, and goes through different phases/stages of struggle.
Propaganda and agitation by themselves won’t bring people to the threshold of socialism. They need their own experience in struggle for their essential (what is essential is variable and expands over time) needs.
The question
People aren’t sitting on their hands. Anger is out there, hardship is widespread, and the fight back is taking shape.
And yet, it is fair to ask: does the level of mobilization of the diverse coalition that elected President Obama match what is necessary to win his administration’s immediate legislative and political agenda – let alone far-reaching reforms, such as military conversion to peacetime and green production, a shorter work week, a “war” on poverty and inequality, democratic ownership of critical economic sectors, and a retreat from empire?
I think the answer is no – not yet. A favorable alignment of forces exists and mass sentiments favor change. But political majorities and popular sentiments are consequential only to the degree that they are an active and organized element in the political process.
And herein lays the role of the Left. Its main task, as it has been throughout our country’s history, is to persistently and patiently assist in reassembling, activating, uniting, educating, and giving a voice to common demands that unite this broad majority.
The Left's political analysis, its solutions to today's pressing crises, and its vision of radical democracy and socialism, rooted in national realities, will receive a fair and favorable hearing from millions of Americans to the degree that Left activists are active participants in the main labor and people’s organizations struggling for vital reforms today — jobs, health care, retirement security, quality public education, equality and fairness, immigration reform, a foreign policy of peace and cooperation, and a livable environment and sustainable economy.
Those who narrow down the role of the Left to simply being a critic of every move of the Obama administration or insist on Left demands as the only ground for broad unity cut down the Left’s capacity to be a growing part of a much larger coalition that could remake America.
Some on the Left dismiss the new President as simply another centrist or a right social democrat, or an unabashed spokesperson of Wall Street. Still others call him the new face of imperialism.
I find it unwise for many reasons to put President Obama into a tightly sealed political category. We should see the President and his administration as a work in progress in an exceptionally fluid situation.
Let’s remember that he is the leader of a diverse multi-class coalition and a party with different currents. Let’s not forget about the balance of forces in Congress that has to enter his – and hopefully our – political calculus.
Let’s not turn any one issue into a litmus test determining our attitude toward the administration and Congress. Let’s be aware that he has to keep a coalition together for his long-term as well as immediate legislative agenda. Let’s give President Obama some space to change and to respond to pressures from below.
Finally, we should resist pressures from some sections of the Left, and a few in our Party, to define the current struggle as one that arrays the people against President Obama. That’s not Marxism; it’s plain stupid.
The American people and their main mass organizations have good reason to be angry and frustrated, but few embrace an approach that turns the Obama administration into the main roadblock to social progress.
That we have spurned such an approach too is to our credit. (Read the outstanding speech of AFL-CIO Secretary-Treasurer Richard Trumka to the national convention of CBTU, in which he speaks of labor’s positive view of the new administration and the new openings for class and democratic struggles that now exist.)
We can help re-bend the arc of history in the direction of justice, equality, and peace. But only if we, and millions like us, pursue a sound strategy that unifies broad sections of the American people and looks for alliances no matter how temporary and conditional. Majorities make history, not militant minorities.
President Obama and progressive Congresspeople can’t be the only change agents and will be change agents only up to a point.
Our responsibility is to support them, prod them, and constructively take issue with them when we have differing views.
But more importantly – and this is the heart of the matter – we have to reach, activate, unite, educate, and turn millions of Americans into “change agents” who can make the political difference in upcoming struggles.
Our parents and grandparents were such bottom-up change agents in the Depression years. Unhappy with the pace and substance of change, they sat down in plants and in the fields, marched for veteran benefits, petitioned local relief agencies, lobbied for a social safety net, established unemployed groups, organized industrial workers into the CIO, opposed discrimination and racism, turned multi-racial unity into an organizing principle, and, we should note, re-elected Roosevelt and a New Deal Congress in a landslide in the 1936 elections.
The American people today would do well to follow their example.
Likewise, communists of our generation should draw from the example of our Depression-era comrades. Because they were guided by a sound strategy that accented struggles for economic and social reforms and because they employed flexible tactics, and because they didn’t conflate their mood with the mass mood, they were a vital part of this process too.
Struggle for health care reform
The mobilization that the labor movement and others carried out tirelessly last year in the elections is exactly what is needed now. How else can health care for all, the Employee Free Choice Act, economic relief, comprehensive immigration reform, a transfer of funds from military spending to massive green job creation, and a tax policy that weighs heavily the wealthiest families and corporations be won?
The Right Wing, the American Medical Association, the pharmaceutical and insurance companies have drawn a line in the sand on health care. They hope to defeat any legislation in the near term and in doing so to fatally weaken the administration’s legislative program in the longer term, much like they did in the Clinton years.
The core of this struggle, whether we like it or not, turns on the inclusion of a public option in a health care bill. President Obama reaffirmed his support for such an option and the Congressional Progressive Caucus recently expressed its full support for a public option that is government run, covers everyone, and goes into effect right away.
Meanwhile, Republicans, with help from some Democrats, are ganging up against any public option, while at the same time introducing measures to weaken health care reform and confuse the American people.
True to form, the right-wing media is the megaphone of this effort.
Mass mobilization is needed
Over the summer this fight will be waged like an election campaign by the labor movement and progressive forces. Across the country activists will be asked to knock on doors and make phone calls to build a massive groundswell for health care reform.
This campaign provides a great opening to strengthen our clubs and build the broader movement. Some of our clubs are in the thick of the fight; some are looking for ways to become engaged.
Each district and club should discuss how to carry this fight forward in a way that results in new friends, new readers of the People’s World, and new members of the Party and Young Communist League. A few ideas:
• speak to neighbors and friends about their health care stories and suggest what they can do.
• share coverage of the Peoples World in either its print or electronic form and ask if they would like the paper every week in one or another form.
• prepare a special agenda for your club meeting with invited guests.
• help build participation in rallies and events of unions and other organizations.
• organize speak-outs and town hall meetings with others.
• collect signatures on petitions, make phone calls, employ the internet, and organize visits to your elected officials.
While we support HR 676 as the most advanced demand in the current debate, it should not be counterpoised to a Medicare-like public option. In the single payer movement and the campaign for a public option, our role isn’t to sharpen differences, but rather to build maximum unity against the health care industrial complex and its supporters (Democratic as well as Republican) in Congress and for meaningful health care reform.
Economic crisis over
Another observation that I want to make is to beware of talk of better economic times around the corner. We may be over the worst of it; we may have avoided a 1930s-type depression; but it’s quite another thing to suggest that we are on the road to recovery.
Yes, there have been some indicators that show improvement in the economy; but we shouldn’t read too much into them (as the business press does).
After all, there are more signs that suggest that we haven’t reached bottom yet, that the recovery is still not in sight; and that more government intervention is necessary.
Unemployment hasn’t peaked, even though the official rate is nearly ten per cent. Poverty is growing, and among the long-term poor, the crisis is dire. Manufacturing is hemorrhaging jobs – none more so than the auto industry. Banks, as quiet as it is kept, hold mountains of toxic assets. Debt is nearly off the charts. Credit markets are far from fluid. Business investment is off. And housing prices fall and foreclosures rise.
On a global level, signs of renewed economic activity are few. Maybe the best we can say is that the decline of the economy is slowing down, thanks to massive government intervention, but hasn’t bottomed out.
If this is so then three questions follow: first, when will the economy hit bottom? Second, when will the economy begin a vigorous and sustained renewal? Third, is the economic crisis reconfiguring the geography of economic power on a global level?
On these questions there is no consensus.
Some say that the economy will bottom out soon to be followed by a recovery early next year. Other economists are more pessimistic. Citing the enormous piling up of debt over the past 20 years, overcrowded world commodity markets, technological displacement, capital flight, downward pressures on profitability, and so forth, they predict little economic bounce for some time to come.
Months ago it was said that the downturn could be “L-shaped” rather than “V-shaped.” In other words, the crisis begins with a steep decline in economic activity followed by long period of economic stagnation.
I suspect that this is what will happen, thus making sustained government and people’s intervention an imperative. In my view this should take at least three forms:
First, more economic stimulus: the economy is underperforming and nearly 30 million workers are unemployed or underemployed and that number hasn’t peaked yet.
Second, restructuring is imperative. The old economic model that rested on bubble economics, cheap labor, financial manipulation and speculation, deregulation, capital outsourcing, environmental degradation, and so forth, has to be replaced by a new model that expands and restructures the productive base and is “people and nature” friendly.
Finally, the economy has to be democratized. The wizards of Wall Street and inside the Beltway failed miserably, in fact, so miserably those economic decisions that affect the welfare of millions shouldn’t rest in their hands.
The resistance to such measures will be massive. It will take a labor-led coalition far bigger than what exists now to drive the process.
Furthermore, even in the event that such a coalition materializes and pushes through such measures, the organically embedded economic contradictions and crisis tendencies of capitalism will erupt in one form or another. There is no such thing as a crisis-free capitalist developmental model. Sooner or later, it exhausts its potential and gives way to sharp and ultimately irresolvable contradictions located at every level of the capitalist economy.
In the meantime, the struggle for immediate public sector jobs and relief should command our attention. We, along with the labor movement, the nationally and racially oppressed, women, youth and others, have to help the unemployed find their voice and forms to express their demands and organize their struggle.
In addition to articulating class wide demands, we have to argue for special measures that address the catastrophic situation in the African American, Latino, Asian American, American Indian, immigrant, and other minority communities. The lack of jobs is at the heart of this dire situation, but it also includes malnutrition and hunger, poor health care, shabby housing, high dropout rates, homelessness, racial profiling, police brutality, criminalization, and so on.
The job crisis requires special discussion and initiatives with our allies. They should be concrete and realistic.
As for the impact of the current crisis of capitalism on the geographical distribution of economic power on a global level, it is enormous and consequential. While the U.S. and European market economies report negative growth rates, the economies of the emerging giants – China, India, and Brazil – are expanding this year and this trend will continue at a faster rate next year. If this trend continues – and there is no reason to think that it won’t – the implications and consequences will be profound and long lasting.
An end to violence
Still another observation that I would like to make is this: against the background of the bloodiest century in human history and this decade of war, genocide, boycotts, and threats and counter threats, thanks in large measure to the Bush administration and our own imperialism, humanity is seeking a new world order in which peace and justice are its organizing principles.
The vast majority of people desire the easing of tensions, an end to violence, and the normalization of relations between states. They want dialogue and negotiation, not war and threats. And they hope that the U.S. government will choose a constructive role in world affairs.
President Obama has captured this sentiment well in several speeches before vast audiences. His emphasis on human solidarity, diplomacy, cooperation, and peaceful settlement of outstanding issues is striking an emotional chord worldwide. In nearly every region of the world, the President has expressed a readiness to engage with countries that during the Bush years were considered mortal enemies – Iran, Cuba, Venezuela, North Korea, and others. In Latin America, he indicated that the administration would like to put relations between our government and others in the region on a different footing. In a historic speech in Prague, he voiced his desire to reduce and ultimately abolish nuclear weapons. Earlier this month, in an unprecedented address in Cairo he indicated his eagerness to reset relations with the Muslim world, sit down with the Iranian government, and press for a two state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
And only this week, he has been circumspect with regard to the massive social explosion in Iran over the rigged election and right-wing theocratic rule. He has quietly made his allegiances clear, but not in a way that would play in to the hands of the ruling reactionary regime.
While the administration has yet to fully match its words with practical deeds, what it has said and done so far constitutes a qualitative turn compared to the previous administration.
Nevertheless, more needs doing before we are on a distinctly new course.
In Afghanistan and North Korea, a negotiated solution to both conflicts that includes increased economic and humanitarian aid is urgently needed. Military occupation and troop buildup in Afghanistan and the imposition of sanctions against North Korea are extremely dangerous and will postpone any resolution of those crises.
To go further, if one or the other (or both) metastasizes into a bigger conflict, it could be the undoing of this administration. Don’t get me wrong: terrorist activities and nuclear proliferation are both enormous dangers, but the solutions to these have to be sought along other lines and involve regional and international players.
In Iraq, the U.S. withdrawal plan is proceeding, with the first stage being withdrawal from Iraqi cities by July. President Obama has reiterated his intention to stick with the pullout deadlines. Even with the caveats about what U.S. forces might remain, this is a major victory for the peace movement. The struggle over what forces remain will depend in large part on the Iraqi people's democratic and progressive forces, as well as our own peace movement.
In the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Netanyahu, in an about-face, said he could live with a two-state solution. And even with all the caveats and demagogy surrounding the “concession,” I believe that it signifies recognition, albeit forced, on Likud’s part that public opinion is shifting against them in Israel, Europe, and the U.S.
In this country the peace movement has to note particularly the changing dynamics in U.S. opinion, including in the White House and Congress, including Jewish members of Congress. Netanyahu got a different reaction than he expected when he met with Congressional leaders when he was in Washington recently. While he wanted to focus on Iran, they pressed him on the settlements. And, that pressure will only grow if the new Israeli government continues in its actions to pursue its present policy.
As far as Cuba is concerned, we are at a crucial moment in U.S.-Cuba relations. The Obama administration has indicated its readiness to reset relations with Cuba and has taken some very modest steps in words and deeds in that direction. But obviously much more needs to be done to end all travel restrictions, lift the blockade, resume trade, and free the Cuban 5, who languish in maximum security prisons. That said, the good news is that diverse groups have an interest in normalizing the relations between our two countries, including in the Congress.
Finally, we are in a moment when our ability to change our foreign policy will bear directly on our capacity to address economic and social problems at home. Currently, 53 percent of the discretionary spending of the federal budget goes to the military.
Thus, ending wars, closing military bases, and cutting military spending coupled with diplomacy, cooperation, and respect for international law and national sovereignty is good economic as well as good foreign policy.
But there is a hitch. Both Republicans and Democrats are upset at the minimal steps the administration is proposing to cut specific “unnecessary” or useless weapons systems.
So we have a struggle on our hands. And it will be fought out in “the court of public opinion,” at the ballot box, and in the economic trenches.
So far the peace movement has an array of plans to challenge the military appropriations process, including town hall Congressional meetings on foreign policy during the August recess. We should participate and support them.
Bottom line: the country and the Obama administration need a more vocal peace movement in order to reconfigure our role in world affairs and address the economic crisis.
Mentality of marginalization
Another observation that I want to make is that because of McCarthyism, the Cold War, and the long economic expansion following WW II, the Left has been on the edges of politics for more than a half century. During this time, our ability to impact on broader political processes in the country has been narrowly circumscribed – nothing like the 1930s, nothing like the Left in many other countries.
While we stubbornly fought the good fight and made undeniable contributions over the past half-century, we were not a major player; we didn’t set the agenda or frame the debate; we didn’t determine the political direction of the country; we were not a decider.
But this could change. Because of the new political, economic and ideological landscape, the Left has an opportunity to step from the political periphery into the mainstream of U.S. politics. It has a chance to become a player of consequence; a player whose voice is seriously considered in the debates bearing on the future of the country; a player that is able to mobilize and influence the thinking and actions of millions.
Whether we do depends on many factors, one of which is our ability to shake off a “mentality of marginalization” that has become embedded in the Left’s political culture over the last half of the Twentieth Century.
How does this mentality express itself? In a number of ways – in spending too much time agitating the choir; in dismissing new political openings that if taken advantage of could create the conditions for mass struggle; in thinking that partial reforms are at loggerheads with radical reforms; in seeing the glass as always half empty; in conflating our outlook with the outlook of millions; in turning the danger of cooptation into a rationale to keep a distance from reform struggles; in enclosing ourselves in narrow Left forms; and in damning victories with faint praise.
In this peculiar mindset, politics has few complexities. Change is driven only from the ground up. Winning broad majorities is not essential. There are no stages of struggle, no social forces that possess strategic social power, and no divisions worth noting. Finally, alliances with unstable allies and distinctions between the Democratic and Republican parties are either of little consequence or disdainfully dismissed.
Unless the Left – and I include communists – sheds this mentality, it will miss a unique opportunity to grow and leave a distinct imprint on our country’s direction.
A final observation before closing is that I wholeheartedly welcome the proposals to reconfigure our work that you received and that we are going to discuss later today.
I don’t have any of the reservations about this that some have. The upside of this new means of communication, education, organization, and fund raising is that it is nearly limitless.
I think it is going to make a huge difference in our ability to reach, influence, and interact with a mass audience – something that we haven’t ever been able to do in a systematic way so far.
Every aspect of our work will experience new potentials, including grassroots organizing and club building.
I hope we enthusiastically adopt these proposals. Assuming for the moment that we do, it is fair to say that we will have our work cut out for us. But as is often said, we have a world to win! Thank you.
Monday, July 6, 2009
Important Announcement
We support and are participants in this event.
We want to make our position clear. There must be no attacks on Barack Obama or the policies of his administration from the left.
Sam Webb
National Chair, CPUSA
Subject: Carl Davidson on Left Strategy July 21
Join Carl Davidson, Eric Shih and Michelle Foy for a discussion of left strategy July 21...
Friends,
Longtime radical Carl Davidson has played a leading nationwide role in developing the Progressives for Obama project and serves as its webmaster. His articles "The Bumpy Road Ahead: New Tasks of the Left Following Obama's Victory" (URL below) and "What Next for Progressives for Obama" (co-authored with Bill Fletcher, Jr, URL below.), have been central to recent strategic debates on the left. Come hear Carl present his views about the current political moment and effective strategies for building strong progressive movements and a revitalized left.
Crisis in the Left:
MOVING FORWARD IN DIFFICULT TIMES
Tuesday, July 21, 7 pm
Centro Del Pueblo 474 Valencia St San Francisco
(between 15th and 16th/near 16th St. BART)
An extensive discussion period will be kicked off by two Bay Area activists who will comment on Carl's proposals and talk about their implications for the Bay Area left and progressive movements: ERIC SHIH of the School of Unity and Liberation (SOUL) and MICHELLE FOY of Freedom Road Socialist Organization.
We also want to let you know that the texts of several presentations at recent Ad Hoc Committee events are available: Gary Younge's April 30 presentation "Political Highs, Economic Lows: Managing U.S. Decline" and the presentations by Pam Tau Lee and Shaw San Liu on the June 3 "Labor in the Era of Obama" panel. Write adhocleft@earthlink .net and we'll send you copies of any or all of these.
Carl Davidson's "Bumpy Road" and "What's Next" articles can be found here:
http://progressives forobama. net/2008/ 11/19/the- bumpy-road- ahead/
http://progressives forobama. net/discussion- on-our-future/
This program is aimed at fostering dialogue and debate among leftists who see themselves as within the left-wing-of- the Obama motion. If there are people sharing this broad viewpoint who you believe would be interested in participating in this conversation, we encourage you to extend this invitation to them.
Thanks and we hope to see you July 21.
Ad-Hoc Committee: Carl Bloice, Linda Burnham, Max Elbaum, Michelle Foy, Juan Lopez, Calvin Miaw, Giuliana Milanese, Maria Poblet, Tim Thomas, Mei-ying Williams, Steve Williams
The event is free and no one will be turned away for lack of funds, but we will be accepting donations to cover the costs of the event.
--
============ ===
Keep On Keepin' On
'If we do not change direction, we are likely to end up where we are headed.'
- Chinese proverb
'If you don't have a strategy, you're part of someone else's strategy.'
- Alvin Toffler
Carl Davidson
To join our 'Progressives for Obama' Listserv, Send an email with 'Subscribe' in the title to:
mailto:progressivesforobam a-subscribe@ yahoogroups. com
Check out the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism
http://cc-ds. org
http://ccds- discussion. org
http://carldavidson .blogspot. com
http://ussen. org
http://solidarityec onomy.net
http://progressives forobama. net
http://beavercounty blue.org
We want to make our position clear. There must be no attacks on Barack Obama or the policies of his administration from the left.
Sam Webb
National Chair, CPUSA
Subject: Carl Davidson on Left Strategy July 21
Join Carl Davidson, Eric Shih and Michelle Foy for a discussion of left strategy July 21...
Friends,
Longtime radical Carl Davidson has played a leading nationwide role in developing the Progressives for Obama project and serves as its webmaster. His articles "The Bumpy Road Ahead: New Tasks of the Left Following Obama's Victory" (URL below) and "What Next for Progressives for Obama" (co-authored with Bill Fletcher, Jr, URL below.), have been central to recent strategic debates on the left. Come hear Carl present his views about the current political moment and effective strategies for building strong progressive movements and a revitalized left.
Crisis in the Left:
MOVING FORWARD IN DIFFICULT TIMES
Tuesday, July 21, 7 pm
Centro Del Pueblo 474 Valencia St San Francisco
(between 15th and 16th/near 16th St. BART)
An extensive discussion period will be kicked off by two Bay Area activists who will comment on Carl's proposals and talk about their implications for the Bay Area left and progressive movements: ERIC SHIH of the School of Unity and Liberation (SOUL) and MICHELLE FOY of Freedom Road Socialist Organization.
We also want to let you know that the texts of several presentations at recent Ad Hoc Committee events are available: Gary Younge's April 30 presentation "Political Highs, Economic Lows: Managing U.S. Decline" and the presentations by Pam Tau Lee and Shaw San Liu on the June 3 "Labor in the Era of Obama" panel. Write adhocleft@earthlink .net and we'll send you copies of any or all of these.
Carl Davidson's "Bumpy Road" and "What's Next" articles can be found here:
http://progressives forobama. net/2008/ 11/19/the- bumpy-road- ahead/
http://progressives forobama. net/discussion- on-our-future/
This program is aimed at fostering dialogue and debate among leftists who see themselves as within the left-wing-of- the Obama motion. If there are people sharing this broad viewpoint who you believe would be interested in participating in this conversation, we encourage you to extend this invitation to them.
Thanks and we hope to see you July 21.
Ad-Hoc Committee: Carl Bloice, Linda Burnham, Max Elbaum, Michelle Foy, Juan Lopez, Calvin Miaw, Giuliana Milanese, Maria Poblet, Tim Thomas, Mei-ying Williams, Steve Williams
The event is free and no one will be turned away for lack of funds, but we will be accepting donations to cover the costs of the event.
--
============ ===
Keep On Keepin' On
'If we do not change direction, we are likely to end up where we are headed.'
- Chinese proverb
'If you don't have a strategy, you're part of someone else's strategy.'
- Alvin Toffler
Carl Davidson
To join our 'Progressives for Obama' Listserv, Send an email with 'Subscribe' in the title to:
mailto:progressivesforobam a-subscribe@ yahoogroups. com
Check out the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism
http://cc-ds. org
http://ccds- discussion. org
http://carldavidson .blogspot. com
http://ussen. org
http://solidarityec onomy.net
http://progressives forobama. net
http://beavercounty blue.org
Tuesday, June 30, 2009
Flexible and Prepared- Opening Report to YCL Spring NC Meeting April 2009
This is a wonderful report by Erica Smiley, an anti-Stalinist transvestite Trotskyist with anarchist tendencies who leads the Young Communist League. Erica Smiley has made tremendous inroads for our Party including boldly reaching out our hand in friendship to work with the John Birch Society on civil liberties issues. We felt we needed a new image for our YCL in order to break with some past thinking reflected in the writings of Jarvis Tyner back in the 1970's while our Party was held in the throes of 20th Century Socialism. We are very happy Jarvis was able to get beyond his own personal bigotries utilizing long-term therapy and counseling which helped him to free his mind of dogma.We now have a downsized CPUSA and YCL but we have a great mixture of people and politics streamlined to get the job done for "term two" as we blaze the path where no Communist Party in the world has ever gone before. For us this is kind of like a real life "Twilight Zone" experience.
Erica Smiley is giving our Party and the YCL an entirely new image in line with what we want to project 21st Century Socialism to be.
Erica Smiley is a loyal Obama supporter.
I must say, it is nice to be working with a cute intellectual transvestite striving to protect and defend the interests of the middle class.
In so many ways Eric demonstrates great flexibility.
Eric Smiley is the Communist version of Sarah Palin.
Sam Webb
National Chair, CPUSA
Flexible and Prepared- Opening Report to YCL Spring NC Meeting April 2009
Though these opening reports tend to focus more on the current political climate, this one is going to focus much more on tactical and organizational questions regarding how we, as the YCL, should move forward.
We’ve provided copies of Sam Webb’s report to the National Committee of the Communist Party last month to give a more thorough political outlook so that we could spend more time here envisioning how we are going to concretely develop, adjust and above all build the organization in this next period. Sam is also in the room, as well as others from the Party leadership, and I assume they too will participate in our discussion.
Throughout my opening remarks, I outline specific questions I think we should consider today. There are a lot of questions but they are incredibly important, and it’d probably do us good to write them down as we go so we can cover as many as possible throughout the course of the day.
The topic I intend to cover this morning is how we, as young communists, should actually implement our political approach on the ground level. What exactly should we be doing in this political climate?
We are having this conversation in the calm preceding our next national convention. Both the YCL and the Party conventions are coming up in the next year or so, and we should begin discussing the political content of both pre-convention discussions.
This convention will look completely different than the last in both form and content. The political climate of the United States has been turned on its head (for the better), while the crisis in global capitalism continues to worsen. We will have to identify the best ways to strengthen the progressive youth movement in this new period, what type of Action Plan will be most useful in this time and how we will maximize mobilization of our membership given our limited resources.
What are we, as the YCL, pushing youth to do in this political moment? And what is our role as YCLers?
These are the questions we seek to answer throughout the course of this discussion.
POLITICAL SITUATION
We jumped off of the election victory right back into the middle of the global financial crisis. While we have a president that has openly supported workers against corporations and banks, we still have a financial system run amuck where working people foot the bill with our homes, our schools, and our jobs (or lack thereof).
Still, the parameters of what is necessary to turn the country around have been hugely expanded as so-called mainstream economists call for “at-least partial” nationalization of failing banks and companies like Ford and General Motors. Middle America grapples both publicly at town halls and privately at the dinner table about what a “just economy” would look like, all but defining a fetal path to socialism.
Legislation supporting gay rights is passing despite the defeat in California in states such as Iowa and Vermont. And I was just informed that the Presbyterian Church USA approved the ordination of gay ministers.
The air is ripe with change.
The Obama Administration’s current budget proposal includes student aid increases identified by the United States Student Association as one of the “firmest commitments” for students and working families. They point out that Obama’s proposal is better than the adjustments made in both houses of Congress in its increased funds for the Pell Grant and other programs like GEAR UP, TRIO and LEAP.
However, at the same time, the Ultra-Right has not completely bowed out of the fight—offering up simple solutions to address real woes of the working poor. Groups like the new “Tea Party” manipulate the fears of working class people to coerce us into not paying taxes (not that we need schools, roads or hospitals) or to blame immigrants for the economic downturn. The goal of this new right-wing populism is to undermine the Obama Administration so that nothing can get passed without major concessions to the Ultra-Right.
While groups like this demand these backwards policies, I believe we must loudly keep our own solutions on the table. Raising such “radical” notions as public ownership of the institutions in our communities help shift the debate back towards the Center, and give Democrats and the Obama Administration room to continue pushing for progressive policies.
After all, how can the Administration be successful in the partial nationalization of large banks and finance institutions, converting bank bailouts to equity shares, giving the government a large ownership stake in them—as the New York Times reported this past Monday , unless there is a strong, independent political movement supporting nationalization and public ownership on the ground? It is not anti-Obama to have a vision and long-term solutions. In fact separate from the immediate legislative battles, it’s probably the best support we can give.
Our labor movement is grappling with it’s own internal bickering on these issues in order to unite with the Obama Administration and the progressives in Congress to pass real immigration reform. Just recently the AFLCIO and Change to Win unions agreed on a plan that would give nearly 12 million immigrants a path to citizenship.
Outside of simply being the right thing to do for immigrants who have long been super-exploited under unfair guest-worker programs, the passage of Obama’s anticipated immigration reform could arguably strengthen the broad electoral coalition that cleaned out Congress and the White House last November.
Nevertheless, unemployment is staggering, between 14 and 16% for young people . And those who have salvaged jobs are often stuck in the low-wage or informal workforce. Young workers, entering the same jobs/careers as their parents before them, often times cannot aspire to have the same wages or benefits as the previous generation—and in many instances compete with older highly skilled, highly educated workers for the same low wage jobs.
This has made the battle for the Employee Free Choice Act, the federal legislation that would put the desire and process of forming a union in the hands of the workers and increase worker protection against employer intervention, all the more important. But as momentous as the presidential elections were, this fight is an uphill climb as the Obama Administration struggles with fickle senators.
But in battles like this, we have 3 options. We can hold our heads down in despair. We can join the cynics in prematurely pointing fingers and spouting “I told you so” propaganda. Or we can take it as a challenge to fight harder!
We should be reminded that the Employee Free Choice Act has been introduced nearly every year for the past decade, and will be re-introduced over and over again until we win!
Some say, justly so, that the first step in passing this monument of a bill is to work to pass the Obama Administration’s budget with the least amount of concessions—thus pushing waffling senators over the fence for working people and building momentum for the Employee Free Choice Act. Just as a defeat of the budget would strengthen the hand of the anti-worker and right wing forces, passing it would demoralize them and embolden Democrats yet indecisive to take the right stance on other issues such as labor law.
I was on Capital Hill this past week lobbying for the Employee Free Choice Act, and in one of the office while I waited, the poor receptionists kept getting call after call after call from people identifying themselves as being with this Tea Party. This experience alone made it clear that we need more of our own folks calling in to pass the budget and to pass the Employee Free Choice Act.
A victory in this initial budget fight could indeed lay the groundwork for passing the Employee Free Choice Act among other bills—let alone what we hope will be a new push to put federal dollars into the creation of quality jobs, expanding transit infrastructure and operating costs and entering into a new era of green manufacturing. And the Employee Free Choice Act is really just one step in many we have to take to improve the protections workers have on the job.
With US manufacturing crumbling like quicksand, global solidarity and, even more, international coordination has never been more necessary. Just as labor in the white skin is not free while labor in the black/brown skin is oppressed, workers in the United States will not thrive while workers in India and Colombia are oppressed. As members of unions and worker organizations, we should be working with Party comrades to build international committees in addition to young worker caucuses in our union locals.
The YCL knows about international solidarity.
We are also mobilizing ourselves to the Venceremos Brigade to Cuba again this year, of which I’m sure we’ll hear about in the course of this meeting. Now that the Obama Administration has loosened restrictions on travel and financial transactions to the island, we are ever closer to not only lifting the travel ban in the short term but defeating the US embargo not long after. Obama’s recent move was an economic action, inserting US dollars into Cuba’s economy. Combine this with the Congressional Black Caucus’ visit to the island earlier this month and we can see why there is hope for a new US policy towards Cuba’s role in the global economy. I don’t think it is naïve to say that it is at least a beginning.
While we are on the topic of international solidarity, we can also mobilize ourselves to the next World Festival of youth and students to build solidarity on key campaigns on trade and/or gain insight into how youth are struggling for peace, jobs and education around the world. Adam will be able to report-back with updates from his trip to the General Council meeting next month.
All this said, here are some questions we must ask ourselves:
1. While the ultra-right is grappling what it means to be a voice of opposition—offering up simple solutions for complex problems to the working class, we must grapple with what it means to be on offense. How should we be pro-active, and in particular, how can we promote broad, unifying demands that will continue to strengthen the center-left coalition that came together pre-election as well as the good proposals of the new Obama Administration?
2. As youth and students in particular, how can we broaden the fight on campus in a way that both supports and mobilizes students to immediate fights, such as passing the federal budget with the highest increases for student financial aid and grants or fighting for the economic recovery of our schools, while also opening up the battleground on tuition roll-backs, student loan forgiveness, and affirmative action?
3. When participating in the remaining mobilized forces, be they “Change for America” groups, housing coalitions, healthcare organizations etc.., what is our value added? What are we as YCLers bringing to the table?
4. How can we mobilize young workers to the immediate struggle of the Employee Free Choice Act while continuing to raise the need for even more protections on the job…paid sick days, paid medical leave, paid vacation?
5. What are we doing to attract those who may already agree with us? Sam has made a couple of references to a survey that claims 20% of those polled prefer some form of socialism to capitalism. We could argue that if we looked only at the youth in that poll, the percentage could be even higher. But it is not enough to revel in the poll results. We need to discuss today, what are we doing to reach out to that 20 plus percent? How are we making ourselves visible, available and accessible to that new and growing socialist minority? What are our clubs doing to attract them? …to let them know that there is an organization where they can learn more, discuss more and be a part of a collective vision for a socialist USA?
6. And most importantly, what is our vision for the YCL? What is our vision for the Communist Party, and how do we fit in to it? How do we really expect to grow in this new era?
MOVING FORWARD
We have to build our organization.
This is worth repeating.
We have to build our organization!
We need more members.
We need more clubs.
We need more schools.
We need more visibility.
We need a stronger Young Communist League! And in order to have that we need a stronger Communist Party.
The Communist Party is our Party just as much if not more than the older generation, and we cannot allow it to be a side issue—especially when the discussions and re-configurations of the Party so directly impact our own.
As leaders of the youth league, we should not limit ourselves to a discussion of our role as youth. Rather we should openly discuss our own vision for the Party and how we fit in it;
our own vision for collective action;
our own vision of Party club activities.
Those of us that belong to the Party do not go to club meetings simply to represent the youth. If you find club meetings boring, define what it is that needs to change and fight for the change!
If we want to see more Party members running openly for public office, like our comrade here in Chicago, we should fight for that.
We don’t have to wait for someone else’s vision and theories of re-organization to be passed down to us. Let’s define it ourselves. Everyone in this room should play an active role in the Party’s pre-convention discussion.
It’s our Party; our YCL; our future.
A stronger YCL and a stronger Party translates into a stronger movement for youth and working people. Period.
In the context of this movement, there is a need for us to be flexible. And I want to take a moment to talk about this flexibility.
The political climate is incredibly fluid right now. In a period where we rarely know what to expect on a day-to-day space, there is a need for us to be flexible. That is true.
However, flexibility should not consistently translate into being ill prepared for these daily fluctuations.
Flexibility does not encourage us to read about and marvel at each and every spontaneous action of the masses.
Flexibility does not incite us to “wait” for the next positive or negative policy to react to.
We are not reactionaries!
What flexibility does require is for us to be engaged in every level of activity, local and nationally.
Flexibility requires our clubs to be a hub for discussion about the strategy and direction of local movements; support for YCL activists; and the on-going study of Marxism.
Flexibility means being active in existing youth-labor solidarity groups, but never waiting on anyone but ourselves to provide support to striking workers in our neighborhoods.
Flexibility requires us to be ready; ready to mobilize for the next pinnacle struggle and ready on a structural level to be a bigger and more active YCL and Communist Party. This is what I mean when I speak of flexibility.
And how should we be prepared, you might ask me. I’ll give my opinion.
While it is attractive to reminisce about a new New Deal, we should be clear that we are fighting for a New Deal …and then some. We don’t simply intend to save capitalism, but rather begin the long and curvy transition to something better.
How should we be prepared?
We should continue participating in struggles that make the contradictions of capitalism, global monopoly capitalism in particular, most apparent. For example, struggling in our states and locally in city councils to ensure that federal recovery money is distributed to our schools, our neighborhoods and for job creation—while continuing to point the finger at the banks and corporations receiving billions in bail out money and spending it on executive bonuses highlights the contradictions.
Right here in Chicago, the victory of the workers at Republic Windows and Doors (now Serious Materials Company) proves another good example of a concrete, local fight that hit so hard at the root of the contradictions in global capitalism that less than 300 workers in solidarity with people around the country brought Bank of America to its knees this past December.
Calling attention to these contradictions does not set us up against the Obama Administration. If we as socialists cannot call out the contradictions of global capitalism in a way that relates to real struggles happening in our daily lives, who will?
YCLers must seek out these kinds of struggles, and mobilize more and more young people to the front lines to witness the potential power of unions and organizations for themselves. How else do we expect youth to struggle for union jobs?
As YCLers, we understand the need for youth-labor solidarity. We need real relationships with workers in our communities in order to garner solidarity in winning summer jobs programs, fighting against two-tier contracts, and winning basic rights for working people on our campuses—just to name a few. Why not take the lead of our Michigan State club which is initiating discussions with area unions to push for union-only labor on campus? Just imagine how such a campaign could not only strengthen and provide jobs for area union workers, but it could be the leverage to help campus workers struggling for a union contract finally win it.
How should we be prepared?
Our clubs should be a place where these struggles are discussed; where challenges are made to various tactics; where unity is strengthened; where talking points are crafted; where the line connecting this seemingly isolated struggle to the global economic crisis and the crisis in capitalism is clearly drawn.
Clubs should be a place where we flush out how to localize national demands. Our Milwaukee club provides a good example of doing this around the DREAM Act—a bill that would make college more accessible to immigrant students. Clubs should flush out partial demands that could build momentum for the eventual passage of this act. Why not get resolutions passed supporting it in student government, or even commitments from campus administrations to change the policy locally? These are struggles that YCL activists can lead on and build coalitions around.
Does this mean clubs do not study? Of course not! But the main focal point must be the action above all else. After all, the YCL is a place for youth to learn about Marxism and socialism through study and struggle.
Regardless of what some say, outside of those playing leading roles, the movement that rose up to elect Obama is in a bit of a lull. This may be controversial to some folks here. But I believe it’s true, and I don’t necessarily think it’s a bad thing. We are in a massive transition period, an electoral hangover if you will.
The peace movement, peace having been one of our major 3 areas of struggle coming out of the last convention, is in a state of re-organization. With a timeline from the Obama Administration to withdrawal troops from Iraq and a new commitment to diplomacy in the middle east, the peace movement is struggling to identify its role—how it can continue to wage peace in Afghanistan, Palestine and elsewhere, while supporting the positive moves of the new president.
While we in the YCL and in the Party are going through our own internal shifts and transitions, we have the burden of helping to sustain and even build on the momentum of the 2008 elections, continuing to build the broad labor-led movement that awed the country last year.
But to build the movement, we must focus more of our attention on building our organization. This is how we prepare!
And if we’ve only learned one thing in the past 3 years since our last convention, we know that people join when they see us in action, not when they hear us talk about it! …and certainly not when they read our long-winded reports on line.
They join when they meet us in the midst of study and struggle.
And we know this for a fact.
They joined at our schools.
They joined at the Youth Voter Collective camp in St Louis.
They joined when they met us in Cuba.
They joined while we were doing voter registration.
No matter what anyone says, no matter how anyone tries to discredit our work, we know this to be true!
A body in motion stays in motion, and the YCL moves!
We of all people know that the post-election period is not a time to rest. We have to figure out ways to maintain the momentum via concrete, focused fights that can be waged locally—be that at local, state, national or even global targets.
With a smaller national staff, the necessity for our club leaders to play more of a role in this is more apparent. Most of you know we are positioning Ursula to become the next national coordinator of the YCL. But she will not be able to build the YCL alone.
Schools and actions organized by clubs are needed now more than ever. Our clubs cannot wait on the national office to call for action. Clubs need to be taking on more of this responsibility.
How many of you were at the Midwest School in Chicago last month? {show of hands}
This, and the school being organized in St Louis later this summer are prime examples of how successful and imperative club organized action is.
We should continue to use this time to reflect, to be self-critical of everything we’ve done up until now, and identify with a fresh outlook what it will take to build the Young Communist League and the Communist Party in this new period. We have grown exponentially, but we are still tiny.
It is not enough for us to have the correct political outlook. It means absolutely nothing if we do not have the bodies on the ground to back our words and theories up with action.
Further, we cannot isolate ourselves.
It is through relationships that we move people to action. Any good organizer will tell you this. We don’t build relationships by isolating ourselves.
These discussions, discussions about our vision for a better world and for socialism, are happening both within our organization and all around it. That 20% socialist minority isn’t necessarily a silent one.
How are we shoring up our base?
We cannot brush off every group that has a varying viewpoint as ultra-leftist. We have to be a part of these conversations—such as at the Left Forum or the various “Summer School” conferences that are organized. And I hope our new, incoming leadership will play visible roles in such events. If young people at these events are looking for an organization where they can develop their socialist perspective, why should we hide? And even more important, why should we not engage in the ideological battle in this way? Just like we should not isolate ourselves from the broader labor-led movements, we should be a part of the broad discussions shaping the vision for a Socialist USA.
Now there are at least a couple of you that disagree with me on this last point, arguing that we shouldn’t waste our time with the “Left”, but rather focus all our energy on the “broader” movements and organizations. And they aren’t completely wrong, as getting caught up in left politics will only marginalize us to irrelevance.
But this should not be an excuse not to reach out to those who may already agree with us. It is okay, and by all means desirable, to have our eyes focused in front of us in building unity with the forces of the Center. But we should allow those same eyes to see out their peripheral vision—to build and maintain relationships with those closest to us.
I also agree with those on the National Council who argue that the old formulations of what is “Left” and what is “Center” make be inaccurate and not useful. After all, what is Left today may well be Center tomorrow. We should focus more on the specific work youth are doing and identify who to build with on that basis. These often “unaffiliated” youth are left out of our abstract discussions, and yet are a part of the progressive youth movement we need to be mobilizing.
In a nutshell, these two approaches are not contradictory.
We have to be a part of shaping the new vision and strategy of the movement, both in the trenches and in the conference halls.
Again, a strong movement requires a strong, visible and active Communist Party, and an independent Young Communist League.
So to re-visit the questions above:
1. What are the most unifying battles happening in our communities? What struggles are currently mobilizing the most youth? What existing organizations should we relate to? …and where there are none, what types of organizations should we be helping to build?
2. How can we be a voice of reason to the right-wing populism happening today? How can we ensure that working class people are not tricked to act against our own interests by the simple solutions of groups like the Tea Party?
3. What is the “Communist-Plus” given the current progressive movement(s)? What is our value-added as YCLers? Why should we exist right now, …or if you don’t think we should, why shouldn’t we? Let’s be honest and put it all out on the table.
4. And finally, what is the role of the club in this? What should a YCL or even Party club meeting look like in this period? And how do we make clubs more accessible to this budding socialist minority?
I submit these questions to you for discussion.
And welcome, everyone, to our spring meeting of the National Council.
Monday, June 29, 2009
Communist Party Statement on Honduras Crisis
by CPUSA, 06/28/2009
The Communist Party USA (CPUSA) joins with the world in denouncing the coup d’etat this morning against the legally elected president of the Republic of Honduras, Manuel Zelaya, by the Honduran military, in which, according to a statement by the president’s wife, Mr. Zelaya was threatened and beaten before being sent into exile in Costa Rica.
• The CPUSA denounces alarming reports of physical attacks by troops against the ambassadors of Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua in Tegucigalpa, and calls for protection of all diplomatic personal; and, if the reports of the attacks are confirmed, punishment of all the responsible parties for this gross violation of Honduran and international law.
The CPUSA further:
• Demands that president Zelaya and other members of his government be returned to power immediately, and that the troops return to their barracks.
• Demands the immediate release of all labor, community and student leaders who have reportedly been rounded up by the army, and the restoration of freedom of the press.
• Recognizes that the Obama administration has repudiated the coup, and insists that President Obama and Secretary of State Clinton hold firm to this position, refusing diplomatic recognition and any military aid to Honduras until President Zelaya is restored to power.
• Calls upon unions and other people’s organizations in the United States to actively support our brothers and sisters in Honduras in resisting this brutal military coup d’etat.
The Communist Party USA (CPUSA) joins with the world in denouncing the coup d’etat this morning against the legally elected president of the Republic of Honduras, Manuel Zelaya, by the Honduran military, in which, according to a statement by the president’s wife, Mr. Zelaya was threatened and beaten before being sent into exile in Costa Rica.
• The CPUSA denounces alarming reports of physical attacks by troops against the ambassadors of Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua in Tegucigalpa, and calls for protection of all diplomatic personal; and, if the reports of the attacks are confirmed, punishment of all the responsible parties for this gross violation of Honduran and international law.
The CPUSA further:
• Demands that president Zelaya and other members of his government be returned to power immediately, and that the troops return to their barracks.
• Demands the immediate release of all labor, community and student leaders who have reportedly been rounded up by the army, and the restoration of freedom of the press.
• Recognizes that the Obama administration has repudiated the coup, and insists that President Obama and Secretary of State Clinton hold firm to this position, refusing diplomatic recognition and any military aid to Honduras until President Zelaya is restored to power.
• Calls upon unions and other people’s organizations in the United States to actively support our brothers and sisters in Honduras in resisting this brutal military coup d’etat.
Wednesday, June 24, 2009
PEOPLE BEFORE PROFITS False hope on the economy — unless …
I thought I made it clear no such articles were to appear in the PWW or PA.
This article has three little marks in the title (...)leading me to think that opposition is involved in this article.
There is only one other person that I know of that writes with "..." all the time.
This article is an open challenge to our position of unconditional support for our President, Barack Obama.
I will not tolerate this kind of insubordination in my organization.
This article sounds like something that could be coming out of Minnesota.
I will not tolerate any sowing of doubts. Our support for Barack Obama as a friend of the people will not be challenged from within this organization... not as long as I am in charge!
Sam Webb
National Chair, CPUSA
This article has three little marks in the title (...)leading me to think that opposition is involved in this article.
There is only one other person that I know of that writes with "..." all the time.
This article is an open challenge to our position of unconditional support for our President, Barack Obama.
I will not tolerate this kind of insubordination in my organization.
This article sounds like something that could be coming out of Minnesota.
I will not tolerate any sowing of doubts. Our support for Barack Obama as a friend of the people will not be challenged from within this organization... not as long as I am in charge!
Sam Webb
National Chair, CPUSA
PEOPLE BEFORE PROFITS False hope on the economy — unless …
Author: Art Perlo
People's Weekly World Newspaper, 06/23/09 16:04
In March, Federal Reserve Chair Ben Bernanke saw "green shoots" in the economy. Since then, various economists and government officials have seen signs that the recession may be bottoming out, with hopes that economic growth may start later this year. And many journalists in the business media are joining in, acting like paid touts for the stockbrokers.
This chorus has been fueled by a series of reports. Some banks are showing profits again. The stock market is up. Job losses in May, while horrific by any previous standard, weren't as bad as earlier this year. Housing starts in May were a little higher than in April.
There are more than a few skeptics. Much of the "good" news is really "slightly less bad news" or reflects temporary factors. And even in the most optimistic scenarios, unemployment will continue to rise well into next year.
I am more than skeptical. There are major economic obstacles to even a weak recovery. Without decisive government action, these will continue to depress the economy, pushing unemployment to a post-World-War-II record and devastating more families than 100 years’ worth of hurricanes. Four of the obstacles to recovery:
1) One-third of all home mortgages are under water — the homeowners owe more than the house is worth. We are in for another year of record foreclosures and many years of depressed purchasing power, as the banks try to squeeze every last penny out of working class homeowners. Federal and state initiatives are providing some relief, but the majority of homeowners who are in trouble are headed for eviction, and their communities are headed to further decline.
2) The collapse of the auto industry and its ripple effects are devastating the part of the economy — manufacturing — which actually produces things that people need. The layoffs, plant closings, and loss of tax revenue are just beginning. As suppliers and support services cut back, the effects will be felt far beyond the Midwest. Michigan's unemployment rate of 12.9% (and rising) could be headed to your state, too.
3) State and local government fiscal crises are already causing layoffs and cutbacks, overwhelming the positive effects of February's federal stimulus package. This will only worsen as local revenues continue to decline and governments run out of reserves and accounting tricks.
4) For nearly 30 years, there has been a growing gap between rising productivity and stagnant real wages. This has translated into extra corporate profits and extra income for the super-rich. Part of this wealth has been loaned back to the working class to finance homes, cars, education, medical care and daily expenses. Result: financial crisis for working families, instability for the financial system. Part of the wealth has been invested in the unproductive, speculative financial sector, or in real “development” projects (homes, shopping malls, resorts) that outstrip the demand from cash-strapped consumers. Result: more overcapacity, corporate bankruptcies, layoffs, and instability.
These problems — and others — could result in a new wave of financial and industrial crises, with the economy declining into a full-blown depression. It will require radical action to protect working families, and to reorient the economy, not only for growth, but for meeting the needs of people and the environment.
The stimulus package enacted by the Obama administration in February contains many positive features that are only beginning to kick in. But they are inadequate in the face of the developing global depression.
A people's economic program would have two essential features. 1) Return to the working class a greater portion of the wealth it creates, wealth that now lines the pockets of the very rich. 2) Directly meet real needs of the nation and its working families, instead of relying exclusively on the magic of a broken corporate system.
This means higher taxes on the super-rich, on corporate profits and financial transactions, to ease the burden on the working class, especially at the state and local level. And it requires that government play an active role in developing energy, transportation, health, environment and infrastructure policies. It would take direct measures where necessary to put the millions of unemployed to work meeting these vital needs.
Winning even part of such a program requires challenging the entrenched corporate and financial interests that, until now, have been able to shape and plunder the U.S. and global economies as they will. This will not be an easy fight. The huge movements for a national single-payer health plan (or at least a strong public option) and the Employee Free Choice Act are only the start of what is needed to win the kind of change we really need.
econ4ppl@cpusa.org
Tuesday, June 23, 2009
50,000 people attend German Communist Party media fair and meet Barack Obama boosters
50,000 people attend German Communist Party media fair
Author: Erwin & Doris Marquit
People's Weekly World Newspaper, 06/22/09 16:01
DORTMUND, Germany --
Erwin Marquit told participants and attendees about the explosive growth of the CPUSA as a result of the massive CPUSA efforts to elect Barack Obama while Doris Marquit was busy telling fair-goers that the CPUSA is desperately trying to save the auto industry. The Marquits explained to Germans how the CPUSA launched Barack Obama on his political career as thousands of Germans lined up to purchase Daniel Rubin's new book, "How Long Can Capitalism Last?"
Many of the fair-goers asked Erwin Marquit, head middle class intellectual and economist in chief for the CPUSA to answer the question: How Long Can Capitalism Last?
Marquit told the German communists and progressives, "Not long."
When fair-goers found out that Erwin Marquit is one of America's most infamous, self-professed child molesters they stopped coming to the CPUSA booth.
Warren Buffet purchased the remaining copies of "How Long Can Capitalism Last?" for distribution to GM workers as part of his efforts to re-educate American workers.
Watch for CNN appearances by Erwin and Doris Marquit about their trip to the Fair.
Stay tuned for information about the Marquit's visit to the Minnesota State Fair where Doris Marquit will sell her new book--- "My Life With A Child Molester." Danny Rubin will be on hand to autograph his new book which he says will help guide Ford Workers losing their jobs through difficulties.
The biannual press fair of Unzere Zeit [Our Time], the socialist weekly newspaper of the German Communist Party, was attended by 50,000 people over the weekend of June 19–21 in Revier Park near Dortmund, Germany.
The three-day program of the “UZ Press Fair—the German Communist Party Festival of Solidarity” featured music and dance, forums on a wide variety of topics, and book and art displays. Red flags waved, peace signs abounded; Che Guevara beamed from banners, and Marx both serious and in friendly caricature was everywhere.
For an American visitor the atmosphere combined elements reminiscent of state or county fairs, amusement parks, rock concerts, and political discussions, rallies and demonstrations.
Noteworthy were the large number of young people at the fair and activities organized for them by the Socialist German Workers Youth organization. Games and competitions, craft projects, boating, and even harnessed tree-climbing were provided for young children.
National and regional food stands were particularly popular. Booths set up by Communist Party units and progressive organizations from various regions of Germany and immigrant communities as well as by fraternal Communist parties from other countries provided literature, political souvenirs, and music. Visitors to the CPUSA booth snapped up of several types of buttons issued by the CPUSA in recent years.
Performances by the New York-based Walkabout Clearwater Chorus and the Chilean IntiIllimani music group drew large audiences as did several well-known European entertainers.
Especially moving was the appearance of an elderly woman who as a child had played in an inmate orchestra at the Auschwitz death camp. With a voice still strong and passionate, she led the audience in the singing of the German concentration camp song, “We Are the Peat-Bog Soldiers.”
Representatives from some thirty Communist Parties, including the CPUSA, attended. The Ambassadors of Bolivia, Cuba and Venezuela; and a representative from the Embassy of Vietnam spoke at the fair.
German Communist Party Chair Heinz Stehr, in greeting the foreign guests, stressed the importance of the weeklong strike by high-school and university students, concluding that weekend, in protest against cuts in the education budget, shortening of public primary and secondary education by one year and the redirection of broad culturally based education to meet the narrow needs of big capital.
He noted that the strike, in which 250,000 students were taking part, had taken on a visible anti-capitalist character as evidenced by the prevalence of the color red in the streets.
One daring and imaginative group, apparently armed with water pistols, even occupied a bank. For the youth to recognizing their real enemy, he noted, is an encouraging sign.
In his farewell, Wolfgang Teuber, editor of Unzere Zeit, thanked the foreign representatives for the international solidarity demonstrated by their participation in the press fair. He expressed pride in the large turnout of young people and in the number of young people and trade unionists who joined the Communist Party during the fair.
The fair also provided an opportunity for exchange of views among the foreign guests. Of particular importance was the opportunity to hear first-hand reports about the situation in their countries from the guests from Iraq, Afghanistan and Iran.
Author: Erwin & Doris Marquit
People's Weekly World Newspaper, 06/22/09 16:01
DORTMUND, Germany --
Erwin Marquit told participants and attendees about the explosive growth of the CPUSA as a result of the massive CPUSA efforts to elect Barack Obama while Doris Marquit was busy telling fair-goers that the CPUSA is desperately trying to save the auto industry. The Marquits explained to Germans how the CPUSA launched Barack Obama on his political career as thousands of Germans lined up to purchase Daniel Rubin's new book, "How Long Can Capitalism Last?" Many of the fair-goers asked Erwin Marquit, head middle class intellectual and economist in chief for the CPUSA to answer the question: How Long Can Capitalism Last?
Marquit told the German communists and progressives, "Not long."
When fair-goers found out that Erwin Marquit is one of America's most infamous, self-professed child molesters they stopped coming to the CPUSA booth.
Warren Buffet purchased the remaining copies of "How Long Can Capitalism Last?" for distribution to GM workers as part of his efforts to re-educate American workers.
Watch for CNN appearances by Erwin and Doris Marquit about their trip to the Fair.
Stay tuned for information about the Marquit's visit to the Minnesota State Fair where Doris Marquit will sell her new book--- "My Life With A Child Molester." Danny Rubin will be on hand to autograph his new book which he says will help guide Ford Workers losing their jobs through difficulties.
The biannual press fair of Unzere Zeit [Our Time], the socialist weekly newspaper of the German Communist Party, was attended by 50,000 people over the weekend of June 19–21 in Revier Park near Dortmund, Germany.
The three-day program of the “UZ Press Fair—the German Communist Party Festival of Solidarity” featured music and dance, forums on a wide variety of topics, and book and art displays. Red flags waved, peace signs abounded; Che Guevara beamed from banners, and Marx both serious and in friendly caricature was everywhere.
For an American visitor the atmosphere combined elements reminiscent of state or county fairs, amusement parks, rock concerts, and political discussions, rallies and demonstrations.
Noteworthy were the large number of young people at the fair and activities organized for them by the Socialist German Workers Youth organization. Games and competitions, craft projects, boating, and even harnessed tree-climbing were provided for young children.
National and regional food stands were particularly popular. Booths set up by Communist Party units and progressive organizations from various regions of Germany and immigrant communities as well as by fraternal Communist parties from other countries provided literature, political souvenirs, and music. Visitors to the CPUSA booth snapped up of several types of buttons issued by the CPUSA in recent years.
Performances by the New York-based Walkabout Clearwater Chorus and the Chilean IntiIllimani music group drew large audiences as did several well-known European entertainers.
Especially moving was the appearance of an elderly woman who as a child had played in an inmate orchestra at the Auschwitz death camp. With a voice still strong and passionate, she led the audience in the singing of the German concentration camp song, “We Are the Peat-Bog Soldiers.”
Representatives from some thirty Communist Parties, including the CPUSA, attended. The Ambassadors of Bolivia, Cuba and Venezuela; and a representative from the Embassy of Vietnam spoke at the fair.
German Communist Party Chair Heinz Stehr, in greeting the foreign guests, stressed the importance of the weeklong strike by high-school and university students, concluding that weekend, in protest against cuts in the education budget, shortening of public primary and secondary education by one year and the redirection of broad culturally based education to meet the narrow needs of big capital.
He noted that the strike, in which 250,000 students were taking part, had taken on a visible anti-capitalist character as evidenced by the prevalence of the color red in the streets.
One daring and imaginative group, apparently armed with water pistols, even occupied a bank. For the youth to recognizing their real enemy, he noted, is an encouraging sign.
In his farewell, Wolfgang Teuber, editor of Unzere Zeit, thanked the foreign representatives for the international solidarity demonstrated by their participation in the press fair. He expressed pride in the large turnout of young people and in the number of young people and trade unionists who joined the Communist Party during the fair.
The fair also provided an opportunity for exchange of views among the foreign guests. Of particular importance was the opportunity to hear first-hand reports about the situation in their countries from the guests from Iraq, Afghanistan and Iran.
Hook your wagon to a star
"You can't imagine hooking up with a guy like Carson," McMahon said an interview with The Associated Press in 1993. "There's the old phrase, hook your wagon to a star. I hitched my wagon to a great star."
We have hooked up with Barack Obama and I feel the same way about Obama as Ed McMahon felt about Johnny Carson.
We have hooked our wagon to a star.
Sam Webb
Chair, CPUSA
Monday, June 22, 2009
Smiling faces sometimes pretend to be your friend
"Smiling Faces Sometimes"
Smiling faces sometimes pretend to be your friend
Smiling faces show no traces of the evil that lurks within.
Smiling faces, smiling faces sometimes they don't tell the truth, uh
Smiling faces, smiling faces tell lies and I got proof.
The truth is in the eyes
'Cause the eyes don't lie, amen
Remember a smile is just a frown turned upside down
My friend let me tell you
Smiling faces, smiling faces sometimes they don't tell the truth, uh
Smiling faces, smiling faces tell lies and I got proof.
Beware, beware of the handshake that hides the snake
I'm telling you beware, beware of the pat on the back
It just might hold you back
Jealousy (jealousy), Misery (misery), Envy.
I tell you you can't see behind smiling faces
Smiling faces, smiling faces sometimes they don't tell the truth, uh
Smiling faces, smiling faces tell lies and I got proof.
Smiling faces, smiling faces sometimes they don't tell the truth, uh
Smiling faces, smiling faces tell lies and I got proof.
(Smiling faces, smiling faces sometimes)
(Smiling faces, smiling faces sometimes)
I'm telling you beware, beware of the handshake that hides the snake
Listen to me now beware, beware of that pat on the back
It just might hold you back.
Smiling faces, smiling faces sometimes they don't tell the truth, uh
Smiling faces, smiling faces tell lies and I got proof.
Your enemy won't do you no harm
'Cause you know where he's coming from
Don't let the handshake and the smile fool ya
Take my advice I'm only tryin' to school ya.
Smiling faces, smiling faces sometimes they don't tell the truth, uh
Smiling faces, smiling faces tell lies and I got proof.
A Guide To Incrementalism: The Americam Way To Socialism
Order the "power pack."
When ordering your copy of "How Long Can Capitalism Last?" by Danny Rubin, request your free copy of Sam Webb's newest thinking:
This is a four volume collection bringing together Sam Webb's never before published writings spanning over four decades of thinking from the sidelines of the class struggle.
Sam Webb has been working on revising Marxist thought for over four decades from the beer parlors of Canada to the basketball courts through the trials and tribulations of life with all of its ups and downs.
Webbists now have the visions, illusions and delusions of their leader at their finger tips. Answers to all questions from a non-classist.
Incrementalism is free upon request with each order placed for "How Long Can Capitalism Last?" thanks to a very generous donation from the Danny Rubin's friends at the CoC.
Call Betty Smith at International Publishers for you "power pack" now. The first ten callers daily receive a free poster "An Intellectuals Guide to Incrementalism" featuring full color picture of Sam Webb and the National Board with thinking caps removed.
Elena Mora (as seen on the Cable News Network) for the National Board of the CPUSA
When ordering your copy of "How Long Can Capitalism Last?" by Danny Rubin, request your free copy of Sam Webb's newest thinking:
Icrementalism: The American Way To Socialism; a study guide for middle class intellectuals and trade union leaders--- when pragmatism meets Marxism.
This is a four volume collection bringing together Sam Webb's never before published writings spanning over four decades of thinking from the sidelines of the class struggle.
Sam Webb has been working on revising Marxist thought for over four decades from the beer parlors of Canada to the basketball courts through the trials and tribulations of life with all of its ups and downs.
Webbists now have the visions, illusions and delusions of their leader at their finger tips. Answers to all questions from a non-classist.
Incrementalism is free upon request with each order placed for "How Long Can Capitalism Last?" thanks to a very generous donation from the Danny Rubin's friends at the CoC.
Call Betty Smith at International Publishers for you "power pack" now. The first ten callers daily receive a free poster "An Intellectuals Guide to Incrementalism" featuring full color picture of Sam Webb and the National Board with thinking caps removed.
Elena Mora (as seen on the Cable News Network) for the National Board of the CPUSA
Sunday, June 21, 2009
We are making advances very quickly.
Even Senator Lugar agrees with me that we need to take "incremental steps" on the way to reforms. In this case, it is health care reforms.
Notice in the article the reference to "incremental" steps.
I have come up with the science of incrementalism" to take us all the way to socialism.
I am thrilled we have been in the vanguard when it comes to "incrementalism."
Some "incrementalists" are actually referring to themselves as "Sam Webbists." This further helps us distance ourselves by those like Karl Marx and V.I. Lenin who tried to turn every problem into revolution.
Daniel Rubin's new book, "How Long Can Capitalism Last?" will help us guide the entire country to take up my new science of "incrementalism."
Today I proclaim myself an "incrementalist" and a "Webbist."
Don't feel you have to put "Sam" on there everytime, but I should get credit everytime a new " incrementalist" like Senator Lugar joins the ranks in becoming a "Sam Webbist."
Sam Webb
Chair, CPUSA
Obama's own party worried health plan lacks votes
By PHILIP ELLIOTT, Associated Press Writer Philip Elliott, Associated Press Writer
WASHINGTON – A Republican senator seeking a bipartisan health deal spoke Sunday of "dialing down" expectations while one of President Barack Obama's Democratic allies questioned whether the White House had the votes necessary for a such a costly and comprehensive plan during a recession.
Obama's proposal to provide health insurance for some 50 million Americans who lack it has become a contentious point for a Democratic-controlled House and Senate struggling to reach a consensus Obama desperately wants.
Much of the concern came after the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimated that the plan would cost $1 trillion over 10 years but cover only about one-third of those now lacking health insurance.
Democrats protested that the estimate overlooked important money-savers to be added later. But Republicans seized on the costly projection and the bill's half-finished nature, throwing Democratic leaders on the defensive.
Sen. Chuck Grassley, the top Republican on the Finance Committee, said officials would have to rethink their best-case scenario for providing a sweeping overhaul of the health care system at a relatively low price.
"So we're in the position of dialing down some of our expectations to get the costs down so that it's affordable and, most importantly, so that it's paid for because we can't go to the point where we are now of not paying for something when we have trillions of dollars of debt," said Grassley, R-Iowa.
"And we anticipate paying for it through some savings and Medicare, and from some increases in revenue," he said.
Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., said she wasn't certain there are enough votes in the president's own party to support the proposal.
"I think there's a lot of concern in the Democratic caucus," she said.
The overhaul's chief proponent in the Senate, Chris Dodd of Connecticut, urged patience as lawmakers continued working on the bill. However, Sens. John McCain, R-Ariz., and Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., said the bill's cost was problematic.
"You do the math," McCain said. "It comes up to $3 trillion. And so far, we have no proposal for having to pay for it."
The CBO estimates "were a death blow to a government-run health care plan," Graham said. "The Finance Committee has abandoned that. We do need to deal with inflation in health care, private and public inflation, but we're not going to go down to the government-owning-health-care road in America and I think that's the story of this week. There's been a bipartisan rejection of that."
Competing plans abound in Congress, complicating Obama's task.
"As a matter of fact, I don't have the slightest idea what is in either of the two bills in the committees," said Sen. Richard Lugar, R-Ind. "None of us do because much of it hasn't been written, still being drafted. People are scoring something that doesn't exist. What I would suggest is we hang on now for a period of study so that we find literally what the alternatives are."
As for his favored outcome, "
Health care changes have widespread public support, according to a CBS-New York Times poll released Saturday. Almost two-thirds say the government should guarantee health insurance for all Americans while half that many think it's not the government's responsibility.
People are more divided when it comes to such a program's impact on the economy and whether they are willing to pay higher taxes so that all Americans have health care.
Feinstein, Lugar and Grassley spoke to CNN's "State of the Union." McCain appears on CBS' "Face the Nation" and Graham appeared on ABC's "This Week."
Even Senator Lugar agrees with me that we need to take "incremental steps" on the way to reforms. In this case, it is health care reforms.
Notice in the article the reference to "incremental" steps.
I have come up with the science of incrementalism" to take us all the way to socialism.
I am thrilled we have been in the vanguard when it comes to "incrementalism."
Some "incrementalists" are actually referring to themselves as "Sam Webbists." This further helps us distance ourselves by those like Karl Marx and V.I. Lenin who tried to turn every problem into revolution.
Daniel Rubin's new book, "How Long Can Capitalism Last?" will help us guide the entire country to take up my new science of "incrementalism."
Today I proclaim myself an "incrementalist" and a "Webbist."
Don't feel you have to put "Sam" on there everytime, but I should get credit everytime a new " incrementalist" like Senator Lugar joins the ranks in becoming a "Sam Webbist."
Sam Webb
Chair, CPUSA
Obama's own party worried health plan lacks votes
By PHILIP ELLIOTT, Associated Press Writer Philip Elliott, Associated Press Writer
WASHINGTON – A Republican senator seeking a bipartisan health deal spoke Sunday of "dialing down" expectations while one of President Barack Obama's Democratic allies questioned whether the White House had the votes necessary for a such a costly and comprehensive plan during a recession.
Obama's proposal to provide health insurance for some 50 million Americans who lack it has become a contentious point for a Democratic-controlled House and Senate struggling to reach a consensus Obama desperately wants.
Much of the concern came after the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimated that the plan would cost $1 trillion over 10 years but cover only about one-third of those now lacking health insurance.
Democrats protested that the estimate overlooked important money-savers to be added later. But Republicans seized on the costly projection and the bill's half-finished nature, throwing Democratic leaders on the defensive.
Sen. Chuck Grassley, the top Republican on the Finance Committee, said officials would have to rethink their best-case scenario for providing a sweeping overhaul of the health care system at a relatively low price.
"So we're in the position of dialing down some of our expectations to get the costs down so that it's affordable and, most importantly, so that it's paid for because we can't go to the point where we are now of not paying for something when we have trillions of dollars of debt," said Grassley, R-Iowa.
"And we anticipate paying for it through some savings and Medicare, and from some increases in revenue," he said.
Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., said she wasn't certain there are enough votes in the president's own party to support the proposal.
"I think there's a lot of concern in the Democratic caucus," she said.
The overhaul's chief proponent in the Senate, Chris Dodd of Connecticut, urged patience as lawmakers continued working on the bill. However, Sens. John McCain, R-Ariz., and Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., said the bill's cost was problematic.
"You do the math," McCain said. "It comes up to $3 trillion. And so far, we have no proposal for having to pay for it."
The CBO estimates "were a death blow to a government-run health care plan," Graham said. "The Finance Committee has abandoned that. We do need to deal with inflation in health care, private and public inflation, but we're not going to go down to the government-owning-health-care road in America and I think that's the story of this week. There's been a bipartisan rejection of that."
Competing plans abound in Congress, complicating Obama's task.
"As a matter of fact, I don't have the slightest idea what is in either of the two bills in the committees," said Sen. Richard Lugar, R-Ind. "None of us do because much of it hasn't been written, still being drafted. People are scoring something that doesn't exist. What I would suggest is we hang on now for a period of study so that we find literally what the alternatives are."
As for his favored outcome, "
I think it should be incremental steps," Lugar said.
Health care changes have widespread public support, according to a CBS-New York Times poll released Saturday. Almost two-thirds say the government should guarantee health insurance for all Americans while half that many think it's not the government's responsibility.
People are more divided when it comes to such a program's impact on the economy and whether they are willing to pay higher taxes so that all Americans have health care.
Feinstein, Lugar and Grassley spoke to CNN's "State of the Union." McCain appears on CBS' "Face the Nation" and Graham appeared on ABC's "This Week."
Thursday, June 18, 2009
Gorby is right on the money.
Gorby has projected the line we need to promote here in the United States. I would like to thank the Washington Post and Portside and our friends in the CoC who loaned us Danny Rubin to help us get things in order for making this wonderful and insightful essay by Mikhail Gorbachev available to the masses.
I present this for two reasons.
The first reason is because Gorby is the only person in the world of any stature and consequence who, ideologically, backs me up.
I am looking forward to dining with Gorby, Maurice Strong, George Soros and Warren Buffett.
I will try to get Gorby to autograph this so I can frame this essay and hang it with suction cups in my office on the glass wall. I found out that if you lick those suckers they stick pretty well. Elena, why are you smiling?
Second, as we phase out the printed version of the People's Weekly World we want people to get used to reading a splendid newspaper, the Washington Post. From time to time they will be publishing Gorby's essays and this will help us all keep our bearings in order so we can guide Obama along and keep him on the progressive road he is on right now.
Yes, Judith; what is it? Peace? What about peace? No, Judith, Congress just passed legislation promoting peace. One-hundred billion dollars is just chump change. Don't let anyone tell you that is more money for war. Bush fought wars; Obama works for peace. Don't let anyone tell you differently. Judith, I am not going to argue with you. The Democrats did not vote for more money for war; that money is for peace. End of discussion. No more interruptions.
Also, be sure to get your own copy of "How long can capitalism last?" I'm going to ask Danny to autograph copies to give to Gorby, Soros and Strong. Warren Buffett already has a copy that's why he bought General Motor's stock...Now let us all study up on what Gorby has to say.
Elena, make a note for me to remember to get Gorby's essay printed into bookmarks to put in each of the books--- How Long Can Capitalism Last?--- before they go out. I want everyone to pick up a copy... and buy it, don't just take it. We need to boost sales to coincide with our membership.
Betty, how are sales going for Danny's book? Fine. Fine. Minnesota needs these kinds of ideas.
For a solidarity economy based on incremental reform,
Sam Webb
National Chair, CPUSA
We Had Our Perestroika. It's High Time for Yours
By Mikhail Gorbachev
Washington Post
June 7, 2009
Years ago, as the Cold War was coming to an end, I said
to my fellow leaders around the globe: The world is on
the cusp of great events, and in the face of new
challenges all of us will have to change, you as well
as we. For the most part, the reaction was polite but
skeptical silence.
In recent years, however, during speaking tours in the
United States before university audiences and business
groups, I have often told listeners that I feel
Americans need their own change -- a perestroika, not
like the one in my country, but an American perestroika
-- and the reaction has been markedly different. Halls
filled with thousands of people have responded with
applause.
Over time, my remark has prompted all kinds of
comments. Some have reacted with understanding. Others
have objected, sometimes sarcastically, suggesting that
I want the United States to experience upheaval, just
like the former Soviet Union. In my country,
particularly caustic reactions have come from the
opponents of perestroika, people with short memories
and a deficit of conscience. And although most of my
critics surely understand that I am not equating the
United States with the Soviet Union in its final years,
I would like to explain my position.
Our perestroika signaled the need for change in the
Soviet Union, but it was not meant to suggest a
capitulation to the U.S. model. Today, the need for a
more far-reaching perestroika -- one for America and
the world -- has become clearer than ever.
It is true that the need for change in the Soviet Union
in the mid-1980s was urgent. The country was stifled by
a lack of freedom, and the people -- particularly the
educated class -- wanted to break the stranglehold of a
system that had been built under Stalin. Millions of
people were saying: "We can no longer live like this."
We started with glasnost -- giving people a chance to
speak out about their worries without fear. I never
agreed with my great countryman Alexander Solzhenitsyn
when he said that "Gorbachev's glasnost ruined
everything." Without glasnost, no changes would have
occurred, and Solzhenitsyn would have ended his days in
Vermont rather than in Russia.
At first, we labored under the illusion that revamping
the existing system -- changes within the "socialist
model" -- would suffice. But the pushback from the
Communist Party and the government bureaucracy was too
strong. Toward the end of 1986, it became clear to me
and my supporters that nothing less than the
replacement of the system's building blocks was needed.
We opted for free elections, political pluralism,
freedom of religion and an economy with competition and
private property. We sought to effect these changes in
an evolutionary way and without bloodshed. We made
mistakes. Important decisions were made too late, and
we were unable to complete our perestroika.
Two conspiracies hijacked the changes -- the attempted
coup in August 1991, organized by the hard-line
opponents of our reforms, which ended up weakening my
position as president, and the subsequent agreement
among the leaders of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus to
dissolve the Union. Russia's leaders then rejected the
evolutionary path, plunging the country into chaos.
Nevertheless, when I am asked whether perestroika
succeeded or was defeated, I reply: Perestroika won,
because it brought the country to a point from which
there could be no return to the past.
In the West, the breakup of the Soviet Union was viewed
as a total victory that proved that the West did not
need to change. Western leaders were convinced that
they were at the helm of the right system and of a
well-functioning, almost perfect economic model.
Scholars opined that history had ended. The "Washington
Consensus," the dogma of free markets, deregulation and
balanced budgets at any cost, was force-fed to the rest
of the world.
But then came the economic crisis of 2008 and 2009, and
it became clear that the new Western model was an
illusion that benefited chiefly the very rich.
Statistics show that the poor and the middle class saw
little or no benefit from the economic growth of the
past decades.
The current global crisis demonstrates that the leaders
of major powers, particularly the United States, had
missed the signals that called for a perestroika. The
result is a crisis that is not just financial and
economic. It is political, too.
The model that emerged during the final decades of the
20th century has turned out to be unsustainable. It was
based on a drive for super-profits and hyper-
consumption for a few, on unrestrained exploitation of
resources and on social and environmental
irresponsibility.
But if all the proposed solutions and action now come
down to a mere rebranding of the old system, we are
bound to see another, perhaps even greater upheaval
down the road. The current model does not need
adjusting; it needs replacing. I have no ready-made
prescriptions. But I am convinced that a new model will
emerge, one that will emphasize public needs and public
goods, such as a cleaner environment, well-functioning
infrastructure and public transportation, sound
education and health systems and affordable housing.
Elements of such a model already exist in some
countries. Having rejected the tutorials of the
International Monetary Fund, countries such as Malaysia
and Brazil have achieved impressive rates of economic
growth. China and India have pulled hundreds of
millions of people out of poverty. By mobilizing state
resources, France has built a system of high-speed
railways, while Canada provides free health care. Among
the new democracies, Slovenia and Slovakia have been
able to mitigate the social consequences of market
reforms.
The time has come for "creative construction," for
striking the right balance between the government and
the market, for integrating social and environmental
factors and demilitarizing the economy.
Washington will have to play a special role in this new
perestroika, not just because the United States wields
great economic, political and military power in today's
global world, but because America was the main
architect, and America's elite the main beneficiary, of
the current world economic model. That model is now
cracking and will, sooner or later, be replaced. That
will be a complex and painful process for everyone,
including the United States.
However different the problems that the Soviet Union
confronted during our perestroika and the challenges
now facing the United States, the need for new thinking
makes these two eras similar. In our time, we faced up
to the main tasks of putting an end to the division of
the world, winding down the nuclear arms race and
defusing conflicts. We will cope with the new global
challenges as well, but only if everyone understands
the need for real, cardinal change -- for a global
perestroika.
Mikhail Gorbachev, the last general secretary of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, heads the
International Foundation for Socio-Economic and
Political Studies, a Moscow-based think tank.
_____________________________________________
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Tuesday, June 16, 2009
Single-payer... not quite yet
I have sent out this important memo to all 287 remaining members and our few remaining friends. Single-payer needs to be sidelined to make way for President Obama's public option.
We are working in coalition with HCAN. We need to can single-payer now.
Our objectives have been fully and completely articulated by our Political Action Co-coordinator, Joelle Fishman, who summed up our strategy in a PWW article (by the way this will be one of the last issues of the print edition of the PWW):
"We have to understand that a strong public option is part of the struggle for a single-payer national healthcare plan in the future."
I want to stress the word "future."
Here is the link to the article. Print off the article and pass it out to all of your single-payer supporter friends along with a copy of Danny Rubin's new book, Can Capitalism Last?:
http://www.pww.org/article/articleview/15913/
Gosh this is a good book. I have read it four times already and people tell me that my understanding of capitalism has improved tremendously.
Can Capitalism Last? has made Daniel Rubin our best selling author in ten years. This book was financed in large part by Danny's friends, and our friends, in the CoC.
Before I sign off I want to say how impressed I am with Barack Obama. Just moments ago the Democrats impressively followed his leadership in sticking together against these ultra-right Republicans who lined up to oppose Obama's progressive military budget to get us on the road to peace in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Again, there has been a very impressive defeat of the ultra-right when it comes to military spending... we sure taught those ultra right-wing Republicans a lesson.
If we can get more of these kids to join the military they will be covered by the VA health care plan... one more reason to support President Obama. We can count on the President to unite the Democrats for progress. Almost every single member of the Congressional "Progressive Caucus" stood with the President and stood up against the ultra-right Republicans in this vote for military spending and war. President Obama was even able to win the Blue Dog Democrats to his side. More war bodes well for keeping the VA going.
Let me close by giving kudos to Joel Wendland for promoting Danny Rubin's new book: Can Capitalism Last?
Joel is the brightest bulb in our outfit and all 287 of us are very proud of Joel Wendland for his above and beyond service to the agency and the bureau.
Publishing books like Danny's capitalism should last a good long time. The longer capitalism lasts the more copies of the book we will sell. No one will want to purchase a book asking "How long can capitalism last?" if we have socialism.
Sam Webb
Chair, CPUSA
On Mon, 6/15/09, sam webb wrote:
From: sam webb
Subject: [CP News And Views] action memo
To: cp-nc@googlegroups.com, cp-districts@googlegroups.com, cp-news-n-views@googlegroups.com, cp-economics@googlegroups.com
Date: Monday, June 15, 2009, 4:50 PM
Health care Action Memo
A Titanic Battle
The lines have been drawn in the sand in the battle for health care. At stake are the lives of 50 million uninsured and countless under insured. The Republican right-wing says they hope to bring the Obama administration down on this issue. Standing with the Republican right-wing are the AMA and the insurance and pharmaceutical companies which oppose any kind of expansion of Medicaid or other public health coverage. On the other side are a broad array of labor, peoples, faith based, small business and service organizations who have come together in historic coalition efforts most notably the Health Care for America Now.
The many-years fight for government-provided single-payer health care represents the most advanced demand. The proposal for a "public option" which health consumers could choose instead of a private insurance company plan has the support of the Obama administration. The Congressional Progressive Caucus has issued a guideline for a strong public option that would be government-run, cover everyone, and start right away. Republicans and many conservative Democrats in Congress refuse to consider single-payer. They are attempting to dilute any public option by stalling it for several years ("trigger") or taxing health care benefits.
If the battle for health care reform fails, it will be that much harder to win the Employee Free Choice Act which is being opposed by the corporations of every major industry because it would change the political balance of forces by making it more possible for workers to organize into unions and negotiate their first contracts.
Timeline and Action
Building up the broadest, largest coalition effort for public health care is the task of the moment. Bills are now being drafted by the Senate and the House. Each body is expected to vote on its bills by the end of July. Health care reform is on a fast track. Now is the time to make a difference in the outcome.
On Thursday June 25 while Congress is in session, Health Care for America Now is organizing a huge rally and lobby day for health care reform including for a strong public option. Buses are being organized by unions and local HCAN coalitions from the East coast and mid-west. To sign-up from your area and to help build the movement go to www.healthcareforamericanow.org. Pass the word to family, friends, co-workers and neighbors.
On Saturday June 27, Oragnizing for America has called for a national service day of action for health care. To sign-up from your area visit the health care action center at www.barackobama.org.
Many other actions are being organized including by Healthcare Not Warfare, Health Care Now and by local groups.
The door is wide open to get involved at the grass roots, join in with local union organizations, community organizations, student groups and health care coalitions. Congress and Obama need to hear from all of us.
Bring along the People's Weekly World to share, and pass along articles from the daily on-line. There is great coverage in every edition.
In the coming weeks, this fight is at the top of the agenda.
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We are working in coalition with HCAN. We need to can single-payer now.
Our objectives have been fully and completely articulated by our Political Action Co-coordinator, Joelle Fishman, who summed up our strategy in a PWW article (by the way this will be one of the last issues of the print edition of the PWW):
"We have to understand that a strong public option is part of the struggle for a single-payer national healthcare plan in the future."
I want to stress the word "future."
Here is the link to the article. Print off the article and pass it out to all of your single-payer supporter friends along with a copy of Danny Rubin's new book, Can Capitalism Last?:
http://www.pww.org/article/articleview/15913/
Gosh this is a good book. I have read it four times already and people tell me that my understanding of capitalism has improved tremendously.
Can Capitalism Last? has made Daniel Rubin our best selling author in ten years. This book was financed in large part by Danny's friends, and our friends, in the CoC.
Before I sign off I want to say how impressed I am with Barack Obama. Just moments ago the Democrats impressively followed his leadership in sticking together against these ultra-right Republicans who lined up to oppose Obama's progressive military budget to get us on the road to peace in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Again, there has been a very impressive defeat of the ultra-right when it comes to military spending... we sure taught those ultra right-wing Republicans a lesson.
If we can get more of these kids to join the military they will be covered by the VA health care plan... one more reason to support President Obama. We can count on the President to unite the Democrats for progress. Almost every single member of the Congressional "Progressive Caucus" stood with the President and stood up against the ultra-right Republicans in this vote for military spending and war. President Obama was even able to win the Blue Dog Democrats to his side. More war bodes well for keeping the VA going.
Let me close by giving kudos to Joel Wendland for promoting Danny Rubin's new book: Can Capitalism Last?
Joel is the brightest bulb in our outfit and all 287 of us are very proud of Joel Wendland for his above and beyond service to the agency and the bureau.
Publishing books like Danny's capitalism should last a good long time. The longer capitalism lasts the more copies of the book we will sell. No one will want to purchase a book asking "How long can capitalism last?" if we have socialism.
Sam Webb
Chair, CPUSA
On Mon, 6/15/09, sam webb
From: sam webb
Subject: [CP News And Views] action memo
To: cp-nc@googlegroups.com, cp-districts@googlegroups.com, cp-news-n-views@googlegroups.com, cp-economics@googlegroups.com
Date: Monday, June 15, 2009, 4:50 PM
Health care Action Memo
A Titanic Battle
The lines have been drawn in the sand in the battle for health care. At stake are the lives of 50 million uninsured and countless under insured. The Republican right-wing says they hope to bring the Obama administration down on this issue. Standing with the Republican right-wing are the AMA and the insurance and pharmaceutical companies which oppose any kind of expansion of Medicaid or other public health coverage. On the other side are a broad array of labor, peoples, faith based, small business and service organizations who have come together in historic coalition efforts most notably the Health Care for America Now.
The many-years fight for government-provided single-payer health care represents the most advanced demand. The proposal for a "public option" which health consumers could choose instead of a private insurance company plan has the support of the Obama administration. The Congressional Progressive Caucus has issued a guideline for a strong public option that would be government-run, cover everyone, and start right away. Republicans and many conservative Democrats in Congress refuse to consider single-payer. They are attempting to dilute any public option by stalling it for several years ("trigger") or taxing health care benefits.
If the battle for health care reform fails, it will be that much harder to win the Employee Free Choice Act which is being opposed by the corporations of every major industry because it would change the political balance of forces by making it more possible for workers to organize into unions and negotiate their first contracts.
Timeline and Action
Building up the broadest, largest coalition effort for public health care is the task of the moment. Bills are now being drafted by the Senate and the House. Each body is expected to vote on its bills by the end of July. Health care reform is on a fast track. Now is the time to make a difference in the outcome.
On Thursday June 25 while Congress is in session, Health Care for America Now is organizing a huge rally and lobby day for health care reform including for a strong public option. Buses are being organized by unions and local HCAN coalitions from the East coast and mid-west. To sign-up from your area and to help build the movement go to www.healthcareforamericanow.org. Pass the word to family, friends, co-workers and neighbors.
On Saturday June 27, Oragnizing for America has called for a national service day of action for health care. To sign-up from your area visit the health care action center at www.barackobama.org.
Many other actions are being organized including by Healthcare Not Warfare, Health Care Now and by local groups.
The door is wide open to get involved at the grass roots, join in with local union organizations, community organizations, student groups and health care coalitions. Congress and Obama need to hear from all of us.
Bring along the People's Weekly World to share, and pass along articles from the daily on-line. There is great coverage in every edition.
In the coming weeks, this fight is at the top of the agenda.
--~--~---------~--~----~------------~-------~--~----~
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "CP News And Views" group.
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For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/cp-news-n-views?hl=en
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Sunday, June 7, 2009
Can Capitalism Last? by Daniel Rubin
I want to urge everyone to purchase a copy of Comrade Danny Rubin's excellent book.
If our Party acts responsibly capitalism can last for a good long time yet.
We need capitalism to last for a good long time because I have stated socialism is not on the agenda.
We need to be careful to only offer superficial critiques of the capitalist system and not bring forward any solutions that would put the United States on the road to socialism too quickly because I have stated that socialism should be a very slow process with lots of small changes along the road to socialism before we get there.
We are now for incremental changes not big revolutionary upheavals.
I want everyone to study up on Comrade Rubin's book because we are the only Communist Party in the world advancing this revisionist thinking after such deep study.
This book is not meant as a critique of anything President Obama is doing. If need be, Danny will write another book about Obamanomics in eight years. This way we don't meddle in the affairs of state or offend the high road capitalists who have befriended us.
Danny wanted this to be a book that would not scare or intimidate the good capitalists.
He wanted to distance himself and our Party from Stalin.
Danny's book is getting rave reviews by some of the world's great pragmatists.
We are considering book signing parties with Danny at many corporate headquarters since much of our material is being rejected at the plant gates.
For a while there we thought we had lost Danny to the Committees of Correspondence but we shifted policy to get him back because revisionism needs his keen mind and brilliant insight. We need to overcome the legacy of Stalin, William Z. Foster, Henry Winston and Gus Hall. Getting rid of their books and any literature that smacks of 20th Century Socialism wasn't enough. We have to have books to put into the hands of people to read so it seems like the nightmare of 20th Century Socialism never existed.
The next time Glenn Beck asks me about Stalin I will be handing him Danny's book to read.
Sam Webb
National Chair, CPUSA
If our Party acts responsibly capitalism can last for a good long time yet.
We need capitalism to last for a good long time because I have stated socialism is not on the agenda.
We need to be careful to only offer superficial critiques of the capitalist system and not bring forward any solutions that would put the United States on the road to socialism too quickly because I have stated that socialism should be a very slow process with lots of small changes along the road to socialism before we get there.
We are now for incremental changes not big revolutionary upheavals.
I want everyone to study up on Comrade Rubin's book because we are the only Communist Party in the world advancing this revisionist thinking after such deep study.
This book is not meant as a critique of anything President Obama is doing. If need be, Danny will write another book about Obamanomics in eight years. This way we don't meddle in the affairs of state or offend the high road capitalists who have befriended us.
Danny wanted this to be a book that would not scare or intimidate the good capitalists.
He wanted to distance himself and our Party from Stalin.
Danny's book is getting rave reviews by some of the world's great pragmatists.
We are considering book signing parties with Danny at many corporate headquarters since much of our material is being rejected at the plant gates.
For a while there we thought we had lost Danny to the Committees of Correspondence but we shifted policy to get him back because revisionism needs his keen mind and brilliant insight. We need to overcome the legacy of Stalin, William Z. Foster, Henry Winston and Gus Hall. Getting rid of their books and any literature that smacks of 20th Century Socialism wasn't enough. We have to have books to put into the hands of people to read so it seems like the nightmare of 20th Century Socialism never existed.
The next time Glenn Beck asks me about Stalin I will be handing him Danny's book to read.
Sam Webb
National Chair, CPUSA
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